为什么很多国内网友认为纳粹是右翼政党？ 第1页

能把纳粹丢进“左翼”甚至“极左”的怕不是巴格达迪，本拉登那个位面的。

是右翼啊，有什么疑问吗？

大约总有人不清楚右翼的法西斯，与偏左的社会主义间的区别。

让我们看看法西斯主义者自己是怎么声称的：

“社会主义的一切观点，都是错误的，违反了历史和实际生活，他们（社会主义）否认民族主义，主张国际联合。而我们的主张，完全相反。譬如：他们主张阶级斗争、国际联合，我们则主张阶级合作、国际斗争。”——意大利司法大臣诺可在下议院的演讲

简单地讲，

法西斯主义认为，工人阶级跟资产阶级哪儿有赤党们声称的那么严重的阶级矛盾，不应该搞阶级斗争，倒是非我族类其心必异，应该在国家民族的大旗下阶级合作（“工人阶级和资产阶级联合起来，以对抗共同的国际间的敌人。”《 法西斯主义的劳工政策 》）。

资本家怎么会是剥削者，相反，“资本家是工业界的主人、最大的组织者，对于国家，有重大的责任，工人的幸福有赖于他们。”（墨索里尼）

-------------------------

而社会主义者这样评价法西斯主义：

“法西斯主义就是铁箍，资产阶级希望用它来箍住已经破裂成碎片的资本主义圆桶。” ——卡尔·拉狄克

收个快递。

===============

收回快递，添点东西

约瑟夫·阿比斯（Joseph Abs），1938年至1945年，是德意志银行的经理，战后他成了阿登纳总理的一位要好朋友，而且在1957年至1967年还出任银行的主席；直至到死，他还保留着梵蒂冈财政顾问的职位。 巴隆·古斯塔夫·克虏伯（Baron Guslav Krupp），冯·波赫林和霍尔巴赫（Von Bohlen and Holbach）是克虏伯商行的创始人，也是它的董事会的主席，在纽伦堡受到控告，但由于“健康状况”而没有受到审讯。 他的儿子阿尔弗来特·克虏伯（Alfred Krupp）在1943年成了克虏伯工厂的所有者，甚至不属于被告之列。后来，他与其他九个董事一起受到美国军事法庭的审讯，并在1948年被判处12年监禁。但是，三年之后，美国高级专员约翰·麦考（John Mccoy）下令将他释放了。他的公司财产没有被没收。他的个人巨大财富也得到归还。 法本染料公司和它的主席卡尔·柯罗茨（Karl Krauch）的情况也一样。卡尔·柯罗茨的绰号是“阿斯茨维兹之父”，他和公司的23个主要人物经过一年的审讯，结果24人中有12人被判处18年半的徒刑，而他们没有一人服满刑期。 实际上他们之中甚至没有表示过些少的悔恨。他们差不多全部在公司中保留着领导的职位。这些在纳粹年代中养肥了的人，在国会“民主”中还能够安逸地消磨时光。
为什么给这些人宽大待遇？对他们的判决意味着资本主义本身存在有问题。他们作为剥削阶级的一员，只不过是为个人和集体的眼前利益服务而已。 …… “德国人民的共同责任”这句话，过去和现在一直是很有用的。作为一个借口，使德国人民自认有罪，以掩盖大企业和资本主义应负的责任，如同过去用这句话来掩盖纳粹主义一样。

想不到1202年了还有 @华青巧克力 和 @麻匪宇宙 这种念经念成【】的。

先贴原文：

作者：麻匪宇宙
链接：https://www.zhihu.com/question/60170371/answer/2125196452
来源：知乎
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纳粹是实打实的左翼政权，纳粹是德文国家社会主义工人党的简称。希特勒把纳粹定性为一个社会主义工人政党，视资产阶级为其敌人。为了实现“宏伟”蓝图，希特勒实行党的一元化领导，要求党员必须随时准备为党献出生命。他还以工人领袖自居，他也把五月一日定为劳动节，同时却废除独立工会。一个政党以社会主义自命，而且视工人阶级为领导阶级，自己为工人阶级的先锋队组织，这不是左翼是什么？
纳粹德国一世而亡，希特勒几乎是纳粹的同义词。希特勒的政治主张，就是纳粹的政治主张。1919年希特勒参加第一届党代会的演讲主题便是：“如何才能毁灭资本主义？”1920年他主导撰写的德国社会主义工人党党纲确定：集体利益高于个人利益，废除市场。1927年，希特勒扬言：我们是社会主义者，我们是今天的资本主义经济制度的敌人。我们要不惜一切坚决摧毁这个制度。这不是左翼是什么？
对每个人的生命权、自由权与财产权的态度，是区分左与右的根本尺度。希特勒与纳粹毫不尊重财产权，不承认人及其生命的尊严与价值，任意剥夺民众的自由权，剥夺了人的财富，掠夺被占领国的财富。希特勒曾扬言：我们何必劳神去把银行与工厂国有化？我们直接把每个人都国有化。希特勒的确成功地把每个人都捆绑在德国的战争机器上。希特勒更不尊重生命权，他和纳粹在战场上和毒气室里夺去了以千万计人的生命。希特勒把整个德国和被占领国变成军营，每个人都生活在刺刀之下、恐怖之中。
著名自由主义经济学家冯·米瑟斯1944年在比较希特勒与极左政党的相似性时说道：从俄罗斯引入了一党，建立秘密警察外围组织，镇压政治异己，设立集中营，用宣传来洗脑，用教育来灌输，在经济上实行高度计划，经济命脉完全由国家来主导。苏俄的几乎每个统治极权手法都被希特勒学去了。灭犹不过是阶级斗争与阶级专政理论的德国实践。希特勒与纳粹也有自己的贡献，后来在其他社会主义国家再现的“反对精神污染”实际上是希特勒的发明专利。希特勒与斯大林走的是同一条路，即哈耶克所说的通向奴役之路。纳粹党内的党员之间以“同志”互称，这也是从苏联学来的。除了左派政党，谁还以同志相称？邱吉尔保守党同僚，绝不会称邱吉尔为同志。在纳粹年代，所有拥护族群灭绝的人，都认为自己是社会主义者，没有一个纳粹分子认为自己是自由主义者或保守主义者。
数年前的一本研究专著显示，希特勒是一位地地道道的左派分子。根据该书，希特勒在私下场合多次承认，他从马克思那里学到很多，对此他不避讳。他认为，他与马克思的分歧，不是在意识形态层面上，而是在策略层面上。他告诉他的同党，整个国家社会主义运动，完全建立马克思的思想之上。用暴力的手段从肉体消灭反动派，马恩《宣言》中的这个主题，在《我的奋斗》中得到了理论上的充分回响，在纳粹的灭犹行动中得到了践行。他们的共同信条是：“消灭一切害人虫。”他们的目标是“誓把反动派一扫光”。如果这些害人虫反动派是犹太人，那就消灭犹太人。如果这些害人虫反动派是剥削阶级、那就消灭这些剥削阶级。
后来的左派故意把希特勒说成是右派，以脱开关系。希特勒与斯大林不是分属两极，而是同属一极，他们同大于异。希特勒是像右派保守党人的邱吉尔，还是更像极权左派的斯大林？答案是显而易见的。

but：

The Great Depression had spurred increased state ownership in most Western capitalist countries. This also took place in Germany during the last years of the Weimar Republic.[40] However, after the Nazis took power, industries were privatized en masse. Several banks, shipyards, railway lines, shipping lines, welfare organizations, and more were privatized.[41] The Nazi government took the stance that enterprises should be in private hands wherever possible.[42] State ownership was to be avoided unless it was absolutely necessary for rearmament or the war effort, and even in those cases “the Reich often insisted on the inclusion in the contract of an option clause according to which the private firm operating the plant was entitled to purchase it.”[42] However, the privatization was "applied within a framework of increasing control of the state over the whole economy through regulation and political interference,"[43] as laid out in the 1933 Act for the Formation of Compulsory Cartels, which gave the government a role in regulating and controlling the cartels that had been earlier formed in the Weimar Republic under the Cartel Act of 1923.[44] These had mostly regulated themselves from 1923 to 1933.[45]
Companies privatized by the Nazis included the four major commercial banks in Germany, which had all come under public ownership during the prior years: Commerz– und Privatbank, Deutsche Bank und Disconto-Gesellschaft, Golddiskontbank and Dresdner Bank.[46][42] Also privatized were the Deutsche Reichsbahn (German Railways), at the time the largest single public enterprise in the world, the Vereinigte Stahlwerke A.G. (United Steelworks), the second largest joint-stock company in Germany (the largest was IG Farben) and Vereinigte Oberschlesische Hüttenwerke AG, a company controlling all of the metal production in the Upper Silesian coal and steel industry. The government also sold a number of shipbuilding companies, and enhanced private utilities at the expense of municipally owned utilities companies.[47] Additionally, the Nazis privatized some public services which had been previously provided by the government, especially social and labor-related services, and these were mainly taken over by organizations affiliated with the Nazi Party that could be trusted to apply Nazi racial policies.[48]
One of the reasons for the Nazi privatization policy was to cement the partnership between the government and business interests.[49] Hitler believed that the lack of a precise economic programme was one of the Nazi Party's strengths, saying: "The basic feature of our economic theory is that we have no theory at all".[50] Another reason was financial. As the Nazi government faced budget deficits due to its military spending, privatization was one of the methods it used to raise more funds.[51] Between the fiscal years 1934–35 and 1937–38, privatization represented 1.4 percent of the German government's revenues.[52] There was also an ideological motivation. Nazi ideology held entrepreneurship in high regard, and “private property was considered a precondition to developing the creativity of members of the German race in the best interest of the people."[53] The Nazi leadership believed that “private property itself provided important incentives to achieve greater cost consciousness, efficiency gains, and technical progress.”[53] Adolf Hitler used Social Darwinist arguments to support this stance, cautioning against “bureaucratic managing of the economy” that would preserve the weak and “represent a burden to the higher ability, industry and value.”[54]
The month after being appointed Chancellor, Hitler made a personal appeal to German business leaders to help fund the Nazi Party for the crucial months that were to follow. He argued that they should support him in establishing a dictatorship because "private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of democracy" and because democracy would allegedly lead to communism.[55] In the following weeks, the Nazi Party received contributions from seventeen different business groups, with the largest coming from IG Farben and Deutsche Bank.[56] Many of these businesses continued to support Hitler even during the war and even profited from persecution of the Jews. The most infamous being firms like Krupp, IG Farben, and some large automobile manufacturers.[57] Historian Adam Tooze writes that the leaders of German business were therefore "willing partners in the destruction of political pluralism in Germany."[58] In exchange, owners and managers of German businesses were granted unprecedented powers to control their workforce, collective bargaining was abolished and wages were frozen at a relatively low level.[59] Business profits also rose very rapidly, as did corporate investment.[60]
The Nazis granted millions of marks in credits to private businesses.[61] Many businessmen had friendly relations to the Nazis,[57] most notably with Heinrich Himmler and his Freundeskreis der Wirtschaft.[62] Hitler's administration decreed an October 1937 policy that “dissolved all corporations with a capital under $40,000 and forbade the establishment of new ones with a capital less than $200,000,” which swiftly effected the collapse of one fifth of all small corporations.[63] On July 15, 1933 a law was enacted that imposed compulsory membership in cartels, while by 1934 the Third Reich had mandated a reorganization of all companies and trade associations and formed an alliance with the Nazi regime.[63] Nonetheless, the Nazi regime was able to close most of Germany's stock exchanges, reducing them “from twenty-one to nine in 1935,” and “limited the distribution of dividends to 6 percent.”[64] By 1936 Germany decreed laws to completely block foreign stock trades by citizens.[65] These moves showed signs of Antisemitism and a move toward a war economy, with the belief that the stock market was being operated by Jews.
The rhetoric of the Nazi regime stated that German private companies would be protected and privileged as long as they supported the economic goals of the government—mainly by participating in government contracts for military production—but that they could face severe penalties if they went against the national interest. However, such threats were rarely carried out in practice, and historians Christoph Buccheim and Jonas Scherner state that "companies normally could refuse to engage in an investment project designed by the state without any consequences."[66] Private firms refused government contracts and directions on many occasions. In 1937, de Wendel, a coal mining enterprise, refused to build a hydrogenation plant. In 1939, IG Farben denied a government request to increase its production of rayon and refused to invest in a synthetic rubber factory despite this being an important project for the regime. Froriep GmbH, a company producing machines for the armaments industry, successfully demanded cheap credit from the Nazi government under a threat of cutting back investment if its demand was not met.[67] The regime generally used monetary incentives, such as guaranteed profits, to persuade businesses to support its goals, and freedom of contract was generally respected even in projects important for the war.[68] According to Buccheim and Scherner, the reason why businesses sometimes refused these incentives was out of long-term profitability considerations. The government usually tried to persuade them to join military projects, but firms were worried about overcapacity in case the armaments boom would end. They did not want to commit themselves too much to war-related production for the future.[69]

希独睾：还有比我国对财阀更宽容的国家吗？（震声）

The Nazis claimed that communism was dangerous to the well-being of nations because of its intention to dissolve private property, its support of class conflict, its aggression against the middle class, its hostility towards small business and its atheism.[286] Nazism rejected class conflict-based socialism and economic egalitarianism, favouring instead a stratified economy with social classes based on merit and talent, retaining private property and the creation of national solidarity that transcends class distinction.[287] Historians Ian Kershaw and Joachim Fest argue that in post–World War I Germany, the Nazis were one of many nationalist and fascist political parties contending for the leadership of Germany's anti-communist movement.[citation needed]
In Mein Kampf, Hitler stated his desire to "make war upon the Marxist principle that all men are equal."[288] He believed that "the notion of equality was a sin against nature."[289] Nazism upheld the "natural inequality of men," including inequality between races and also within each race. The National Socialist state aimed to advance those individuals with special talents or intelligence, so they could rule over the masses.[56] Nazi ideology relied on elitism and the Führerprinzip (leadership principle), arguing that elite minorities should assume leadership roles over the majority, and that the elite minority should itself be organised according to a "hierarchy of talent", with a single leader—the Führer—at the top.[290] The Führerprinzip held that each member of the hierarchy owed absolute obedience to those above him and should hold absolute power over those below him.[57]
During the 1920s, Hitler urged disparate Nazi factions to unite in opposition to Jewish Bolshevism.[291] Hitler asserted that the "three vices" of "Jewish Marxism" were democracy, pacifism and internationalism.[292] The Communist movement, the trade unions, the Social Democratic Party and the left-wing press were all considered to be Jewish-controlled and part of the "international Jewish conspiracy" to weaken the German nation by promoting internal disunity through class struggle.[57] The Nazis also believed that the Jews had instigated the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and that Communists had stabbed Germany in the back and caused it to lose the First World War.[293] They further argued that modern cultural trends of the 1920s (such as jazz music and cubist art) represented "cultural Bolshevism" and were part of a political assault aimed at the spiritual degeneration of the German Volk.[293] Joseph Goebbels published a pamphlet titled The Nazi-Sozi which gave brief points of how National Socialism differed from Marxism.[294] In 1930, Hitler said: "Our adopted term 'Socialist' has nothing to do with Marxist Socialism. Marxism is anti-property; true Socialism is not".[295]

纳友：坏了，我成康米了（大嘘）

据后来纳粹经济部长瓦尔特·丰克的回忆，30年代初，“元首本人在同我和我所介绍的工业界领袖人物的会谈时一再强调，他是国营经济的敌人，所谓‘计划经济’的敌人。他认为，为了争取最高产量，自由企业和自由竞争是绝对有必要的”。
1930年5月，奥托·斯特拉瑟及其支持者要求工业国有化时，希特勒斥责“这会导致德国经济的毁灭”。他强调：“资本家通过他们的能力发迹，繁荣到顶点......这仅仅再次证明他们是高等种族——他们拥有领导权。”当小斯特拉瑟问他，如果他当政，将怎样对待克虏伯家族时，希特勒立即答道：“当然，我们应当不加干涉。你认为我该发疯以致毁灭德国的经济吗？”

希独睾：爹，我一直都是资卫兵啊，我都入了雅利安高等种族籍了

鉴于麻匪宇宙先生说到了丘中堂，那么就不得不提：

His image as a man of the authoritarian Right was made even worse by his disastrous public pronouncements following his trip to Rome in January 1927, when he met the Pope and Mussolini. In fact he had already expressed his admiration for Mussolini in January 1926, in a speech before Treasury officials :
Italy is a country which is prepared to face the realities of post-war reconstruction. It possesses a Government under the commanding leadership of Signor Mussolini which does not shrink from the logical consequences of economic facts and which has the courage to impose the financial remedies required to secure and to stabilise the national recovery.[3]
This is what we could call the ‘classic’ defence of Fascism – its economic efficiency at a time when the democracies were at a loss to find a coherent economic policy. Mosley was to put it more concisely later when he repeated that the British Fascists wanted to turn Parliament ‘from a talk-shop to a work-shop’. When Churchill praised Mussolini’s Italy for its economic realism, it was of course the British Chancellor of the Exchequer envying the Fascist dictator for the room for manoeuvre which the absence of an effective opposition gave him. The offensive declarations of January 1927 were of a different nature, in that they clearly justified the introduction of Fascism as a bulwark against Bolshevism :
If I had been an Italian, I am sure I should have been whole-heartedly with you from the start to finish in your triumphant struggle against the bestial appetites and passions of Leninism.[4]

丘丘人：哈哈你个右瓜说话真有意思，谁不法西斯，你骂谁不是法西斯呢1111111

最后，我希望麻匪宇宙先生能列出其中一些“希独睾谈XXXX”言论的出处，因为相当一部分是我闻所未闻的，不排除我自己见识浅薄的可能，但还是希望麻匪宇宙先生给我一个求证的机会，屑屑。

相比于麻匪宇宙先生，华青巧克力先生的乐子就相对少了，念经都念不明白了属于是，其荒谬在上面的资料里也说得很明白。

我这里是想提另一个问题，对于实事求是并尊重基本的交流礼仪的右派，我一贯不会用嘲弄的口吻加以讥讽。但显然，麻/华两位先生操弄谣言的行径不属此类，那么我没有必要对两位谣棍抱有哪怕一丝一毫的尊重，因为他们不配。

纳粹党的思想特征：民族主义，保守主义，种族主义。

纳粹党的经济政策：以大财团垄断资源和市场为主，以掠夺占领区资源和劳动力满足本国工人基本福利。

纳粹党的军事政策：侵略扩张与大屠杀，最终解决方案种族灭绝。

根据对右翼政党的经典定义，纳粹党满足其中保守主义，民族主义，大财团垄断资源与市场扩张侵略与掠夺奴役他国，这几个条件。由于其种族灭绝政策，纳粹党被普遍归为极右翼党派。

西方学者认为，共产党是极左，自由民主主义和社民党是中间路线，纳粹党是极右。

（定义和划分来自鲁尼·派迪格斯教授，阿什兰大学国际关系学院副院长，本人不完全认同他的观点）