关于小亚细亚南部海岸，有什么可以一说的历史？ 第1页

题主图中红圈区域内大致包含两个历史分区——吕基亚（Λυκία, Lycia）和潘菲利亚（Παμφυλία, Pamphylia）：

（图片来源：维基用户Emok上传于维基共享，我进行了汉化；Creative Commons；注：图中有误，「色雷斯」不属于安纳托利亚）

罗马统治时期这两个地区一度被合并为行省——吕基亚和潘菲利亚省（Provincia Lycia et Pamphylia），戴克里先改革期间将其一分为二，后又置十二政区（Dioecesis）分属四道（Praefectura Praetorio，不晓得中文译名为何，先沿用日文名）而治。

从长期历史来看，这两个地区的确戏份不多，可留给后人反复玩味的东西也比较少，在各个大历史舞台上的出镜率又很低，至少与其邻居——西边的爱奥尼亚、多里斯和罗得岛，东边的奇里乞亚，南边的塞浦路斯和北边的吕底亚、加拉太相比，实在是默默无闻的可怜。但细细发掘，还是能琢磨出不少有趣的历史片段；以下就简单说一说吕基亚给西方世界留下的一笔精神遗产：吕基亚同盟。

首先咱要明确一个概念：所谓吕基亚同盟（Lycian League），是一个后代历史学家在分析研究公元前2世纪吕基亚地区诸城邦互动关系时提出的概念，属于造词；严格来说，真实历史中并不存在一个名叫「吕基亚同盟」的政治实体——它既不是一个提洛同盟式的具有中心化组织特点的联合体，也绝不仅仅是一个架构松散的、各取所需的政治同盟，它更像是一群城邦在特殊情况下自发形成的具有宪政政体雏形的邦联。

（图片来源：维基用户Erp上传于维基共享，我进行了汉化；Creative Commons）

那么，这样的一个「邦联」，是如何形成的呢？这还是得回到吕基亚的历史。

吕基亚这片地方，说它地理位置好吧，它也确实是好。希波战争时期波斯人就把帕塔拉（Πάταρα）等吕基亚港市用做给前线输送士兵和军需物资的重要中转站，波斯人被打败后吕基亚又成为了雅典领导的提洛同盟积极争取的对象之一，雅典甚至曾在前429年派兵进攻吕基亚以逼迫其入盟，虽然以失败告终，但仍可见当时希腊政治舞台上的各方势力对吕基亚的位置相当看重。伯罗奔尼撒战争结束后不久，吕基亚又再次以保有地方自治权力为筹码被兼并入了波斯帝国，直到亚历山大东征期间，希腊人又再次控制了这里。

亚历山大死后，继业者之间争夺不休，吕基亚也经历多次易主，轮流被托勒密王朝和塞琉古帝国统治，但也始终得以保持在日常行政事务上的自治地位。李维在《罗马史》中记述，公元188年，罗马共和国在与塞琉古帝国长达四年的战争中取得胜利，随即与塞琉古国王安条克三世订立了阿帕米亚和约（Treaty of Apamea）。和约中规定将塞琉古帝国在小亚细亚西南部的领土割让予罗马同盟一方的帕加马与罗得岛，吕基亚也经由这份和约被转让给了罗得岛人手中。

（图片来源：维基用户Kryston上传于维基共享；Creative Commons）

吕基亚被罗得岛接管后受到了罗得岛人的粗暴对待，按李维《罗马史》给出的记载：

An equally pitiful embassy from the Lycians arrived, who complained of the cruelty of the Rhodians, under whose control they had been placed by Lucius Cornelius Scipio. They said that they had been under the dominion of Antiochus; this slavery to the King, when compared with their present situation, seemed glorious liberty. They were not merely as a state oppressed by their government, but private citizens were suffering downright bondage. Their wives and children, they said, were abused; cruelty was wreaked upon their bodies and their backs; their reputations —a shameful procedure —were stained and dishonoured; and openly hateful acts were done merely for the sake of displaying an abuse of power, in order to leave no doubt that there was no distinction between themselves and slaves bought with money. The senate, moved by this appeal, entrusted the Lycians with a letter for the Rhodians, stating that it was not their pleasure that the Lycians should be enslaved by the Rhodians nor any people who had been born in freedom by any other people; the Lycians had been placed under the administrative control and at the same time the protection of the Rhodians on the same conditions as the allied states enjoyed under the guardianship of the Roman people.
（懒，有空再码翻译）

来源：Livy, Evan T. Sage, and Alfred C. Schlesinger. Livy: in Thirteen Volumes. London: Heinemann, 1938.

罗马元老院对罗得岛人的行为很不满意，但迫于双方已结为同盟，不便为了在棋盘上相对无足轻重的吕基亚人而惊动大局。这样的境况在第三次马其顿战争期间迎来了改变；前169年，面对态度正悄然发生转变的罗得岛人，元老院在经过一番算计后觉得有必要对其施压以示权威，解放吕基亚于是成了一个再好不过的议题。按波利比乌斯在《历史》中的记载：

At the same time the senate issued a consultum setting free all the parts of Caria and Lycia which they had assigned to Rhodes at the time of the war with Antiochus.
与此同时，元老院颁布了一纸决议，恢复（在与安条克三世交战时曾分配给罗得岛的）卡里亚和吕基亚全境的自由。

来源：Polybius, William Roger Paton, Frank William Walbank, and Christian Habicht. The Histories. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011.

大约在这个节点上，新近获得解放的23个吕基亚城邦的精英们聚集在一起开了一个会。经过讨论，他们抛弃了自古风时代沿袭至今的君主世袭制，转而建立了一套以各城邦人口为权重标准的代议制。这套制度具体是如何运行的，个中又有哪些值得玩味的细节，今天多已不得而知；我们仅大概知晓，吕基亚人将参会城邦按人口规模分为三等：大规模城邦享有三票代表权，中等规模城邦拥有两票代表权，小规模城邦仅有一票代表权。与其他拥有类似结构的政治秩序不同的是，吕基亚的这套制度乃是建立在罗马人的强大军事实力基础上的——也就是说，吕基亚同盟本身既不必为军事与外交事务操心，但同时对战争等重大事宜也并无发言权。这是一个非常重要的前提条件，我们在讨论与研究吕基亚人的政治制度时，一定不能忘记其背后始终有着名为罗马的最终暴力机器在无形中维持秩序。

这里摘取斯特拉波《地理学》（Γεωγραφικά）中的相关一段：

There are twenty-three cities that share in the vote. They come together from each city to a general congress, after choosing whatever city they approve of. The largest of the cities control three votes each, the medium-sized two, and the rest one. In the same proportion, also, they make contributions and discharge other liturgies. Artemidorus said that the six largest were Xanthus, Patara, Pinara, Olympus, Myra, and Tlos, the last-named being situated near the pass that leads over into Cibyra. At the congress they first choose a "Lyciarch," and then other officials of the League; and general courts of justice are designated. In earlier times they would deliberate about war and peace and alliances, but now they naturally do not do so, since these matters necessarily lie in the power of the Romans, except, perhaps when the Romans should give them permission or it should be for their benefit. Likewise, judges and magistrates are elected from the several cities in the same proportion. And since they lived under such a good government, they remained ever free under the Romans, thus retaining their ancestral usages; and they saw the pirates utterly wiped out, first by Servilius Isauricus, at the time that he demolished Isaura, and later by Pompey the Great, when he set fire to more than thirteen hundred boats and laid waste their settlements. Of the pirates who survived the fights, he brought some down to Soli, which he named Pompeïopolis, and the others to Dymê, where there was a dearth of population; it is now occupied by a colony of Romans. The poets, however, and especially the tragic poets, confuse the tribes, as, for example, the Trojans and the Mysians and the Lydians, whom they call Phrygians; and likewise the Lycians, whom they call Carians.
（有空码上翻译，先划重点）

来源：Strabo, and Horace Leonard Jones. The Geography of Strabo. London: Heinemann, 1928.

抛去有罗马做军事后盾这一背景，吕基亚人的这次政治制度创新依旧是有着极高价值的——仅仅是以人口为代表席位（票数）基准这一条，就为后代无数西方政治精英提供了绝佳的学习样本。就拿研究美国宪法的那套著名的《联邦论》（The Federalist Papers，又译《联邦党人文集》或《联邦主义议文集》）来说，我们先看看身居美国开国元老，曾任美国第一任财政部长，同时也是美国宪法起草人的亚历山大·汉密尔顿（Alexander Hamilton）是如何评价吕基亚同盟的：

In the Lycian confederacy, which consisted of twenty-three CITIES or republics, the largest were entitled to THREE votes in the COMMON COUNCIL, those of the middle class to TWO, and the smallest to ONE. The COMMON COUNCIL had the appointment of all the judges and magistrates of the respective CITIES. This was certainly the most, delicate species of interference in their internal administration; for if there be any thing that seems exclusively appropriated to the local jurisdictions, it is the appointment of their own officers. Yet Montesquieu, speaking of this association, says: "Were I to give a model of an excellent Confederate Republic, it would be that of Lycia.'' Thus we perceive that the distinctions insisted upon were not within the contemplation of this enlightened civilian; and we shall be led to conclude, that they are the novel refinements of an erroneous theory. （出自第九篇，大写词皆为作者原迹；汉密尔顿引孟德斯鸠的这句话出自后者《论法的精神》）

THE tendency of the principle of legislation for States, or communities, in their political capacities, as it has been exemplified by the experiment we have made of it, is equally attested by the events which have befallen all other governments of the confederate kind, of which we have any account, in exact proportion to its prevalence in those systems. The confirmations of this fact will be worthy of a distinct and particular examination. I shall content myself with barely observing here, that of all the confederacies of antiquity, which history has handed down to us, the Lycian and Achaean leagues, as far as there remain vestiges of them, appear to have been most free from the fetters of that mistaken principle, and were accordingly those which have best deserved, and have most liberally received, the applauding suffrages of political writers. （出自第十六篇）

再看看同样声名显赫的美国第四任总统詹姆斯·麦迪逊（James Madison）是怎么说的：

In the Achaean league it is probable that the federal head had a degree and species of power, which gave it a considerable likeness to the government framed by the convention. The Lycian Confederacy, as far as its principles and form are transmitted, must have borne a still greater analogy to it. Yet history does not inform us that either of them ever degenerated, or tended to degenerate, into one consolidated government. On the contrary, we know that the ruin of one of them proceeded from the incapacity of the federal authority to prevent the dissensions, and finally the disunion, of the subordinate authorities. These cases are the more worthy of our attention, as the external causes by which the component parts were pressed together were much more numerous and powerful than in our case; and consequently less powerful ligaments within would be sufficient to bind the members to the head, and to each other. （出自第四十五篇）

大概十年多前的2007年，《纽约时报》还曾经刊载过一篇抒情意味远大过参考价值的文章，赞颂吕基亚同盟及其给美国建国一辈精英带来的深刻影响。帕塔拉城的考古工作开始后，似乎还有个美国国会议员携家带口搬到了距考古点不远的小镇上居住，并建议美国政府出资在当地兴建纪念馆。

先写到这里，有空再更。